The
New York Times
October 24, 2008
WASHINGTON — For years, a
Congressional hearing with Alan Greenspan was a marquee event.
Lawmakers doted on him as an economic sage. Markets jumped up or down
depending on what he said. Politicians in both parties wanted the
maestro on their side.
But on Thursday, almost three
years after stepping down as chairman of the Federal Reserve, a humbled
Mr. Greenspan admitted that he had put too much faith in the
self-correcting power of free markets and had failed to anticipate the
self-destructive power of wanton mortgage lending.
“Those of us who have looked
to the self-interest of lending institutions to protect shareholders’
equity, myself included, are in a state of shocked disbelief,” he told
the House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform.
Now 82, Mr. Greenspan came in
for one of the harshest grillings of his life, as Democratic lawmakers
asked him time and again whether he had been wrong, why he had been
wrong and whether he was sorry.
Critics, including many
economists, now blame the former Fed chairman for the financial crisis
that is tipping the economy into a potentially deep recession. Mr.
Greenspan’s critics say that he encouraged the bubble in housing prices
by keeping interest rates too low for too long and that he failed to
rein in the explosive growth of risky and often fraudulent mortgage
lending.
“You had the authority to
prevent irresponsible lending practices that led to the subprime
mortgage crisis. You were advised to do so by many others,” said
Representative Henry A. Waxman of California, chairman of the
committee. “Do you feel that your ideology pushed you to make decisions
that you wish you had not made?”
Mr. Greenspan conceded: “Yes,
I’ve found a flaw. I don’t know how significant or permanent it is. But
I’ve been very distressed by that fact.”
On a day that brought more
bad news about rising home foreclosures and slumping employment, Mr.
Greenspan refused to accept blame for the crisis but acknowledged that
his belief in deregulation had been shaken.
He noted that the immense and
largely unregulated business of spreading financial risk widely,
through the use of exotic financial instruments called derivatives, had
gotten out of control and had added to the havoc of today’s crisis. As
far back as 1994, Mr. Greenspan staunchly and successfully opposed
tougher regulation on derivatives.
But on Thursday, he agreed
that the multitrillion-dollar market for credit default swaps,
instruments originally created to insure bond investors against the
risk of default, needed to be restrained.
“This modern risk-management
paradigm held sway for decades,” he said. “The whole intellectual
edifice, however, collapsed in the summer of last year.”
Mr. Waxman noted that the Fed
chairman had been one of the nation’s leading voices for deregulation,
displaying past statements in which Mr. Greenspan had argued that
government regulators were no better than markets at imposing
discipline.
“Were you wrong?” Mr. Waxman
asked.
“Partially,” the former Fed
chairman reluctantly answered, before trying to parse his concession as
thinly as possible.
Mr. Greenspan, celebrated as
the “Maestro” in a book about him by Bob Woodward, presided over the
Fed for 18 years before he stepped down in January 2006. He steered the
economy through one of the longest booms in history, while also
presiding over a period of declining inflation.
But as the Fed slashed
interest rates to nearly record lows from 2001 until mid-2004, housing
prices climbed far faster than inflation or household income year after
year. By 2004, a growing number of economists were warning that a
speculative bubble in home prices and home construction was under way,
which posed the risk of a housing bust.
Mr. Greenspan brushed aside
worries about a potential bubble, arguing that housing prices had never
endured a nationwide decline and that a bust was highly unlikely.
Mr. Greenspan, along with
most other banking regulators in Washington, also resisted calls for
tighter regulation of subprime mortgages and other high-risk exotic
mortgages that allowed people to borrow far more than they could afford.
The Federal Reserve had broad
authority to prohibit deceptive lending practices under a 1994 law
called the Home Owner Equity Protection Act . But it took little action
during the long housing boom, and fewer than 1 percent of all mortgages
were subjected to restrictions under that law.
This year, the Fed greatly
tightened its restrictions. But by that time, the subprime market as
well as the market for other kinds of exotic mortgages had already been
wiped out.
Mr. Greenspan said that he
had publicly warned about the “underpricing of risk” in 2005 but that
he had never expected the crisis that began to sweep the entire
financial system in 2007.
“This crisis,” he told
lawmakers, “has turned out to be much broader than anything I could
have imagined. It has morphed from one gripped by liquidity restraints
to one in which fears of insolvency are now paramount.”
Many Republican lawmakers on
the oversight committee tried to blame the mortgage meltdown on the
unchecked growth of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the giant
government-sponsored mortgage-finance companies that were placed in a
government conservatorship last month. Republicans have argued that
Democratic lawmakers blocked measures to reform the companies.
But Mr. Greenspan, who was
first appointed by President Ronald Reagan, placed far more blame on
the Wall Street companies that bundled subprime mortgages into pools
and sold them as mortgage-backed securities. Global demand for the
securities was so high, he said, that Wall Street companies pressured
lenders to lower their standards and produce more “paper.”
“The evidence strongly
suggests that without the excess demand from securitizers, subprime
mortgage originations (undeniably the original source of the crisis)
would have been far smaller and defaults accordingly far lower,” he
said.
Despite his chagrin over the
mortgage mess, the former Fed chairman proposed only one specific
regulation: that companies selling mortgage-backed securities be
required to hold a significant number themselves.
“Whatever regulatory changes
are made, they will pale in comparison to the change already evident in
today’s markets,” he said. “Those markets for an indefinite future will
be far more restrained than would any currently contemplated new
regulatory regime.”
Copyright 2008 The New York
Times Company
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/10/24/business/economy/24panel.html